Free-quent Flyer
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I recently wrote a post about how to calculate federal taxes on capital gains since it's something I've never had to do before, and it got me wondering about why this insane system of capital gains taxes exists in the first place. So I did a bit of research, and basically came up with three answers.
Capital gains are taxed at their nominal values, unadjusted for inflation
This is actually an interesting problem. If you invest in super-safe assets that return exactly the rate of inflation each year, the amount of money you withdraw will be worth exactly the same as the money you invested, but you'll owe taxes on the increase in nominal value.
The problem with saying that this is a problem that needs to be solved is that it suggests that all assets held in interest-free accounts should somehow be treated as capital losses, since the amount withdrawn is worth less than the amount deposited. Doing so would radically increase the complexity of the tax code, while affecting only a tiny number of taxpayers each year. Let's not do that.
Still, I'm vaguely comfortable with the idea of applying a deflating multiplier when determining the total amount of a capital gain. You could say something like, "for assets held 5 years or more, reduce the nominal value of your proceeds by the compounded rate of inflation during the period you held the asset, excluding the year of purchase and year of sale." That would be a little complicated, but the IRS could just include the relevant table in the instructions to Form 1040, Schedule D, and it would be a hell of a lot simpler than the current system.
Privileging capital gains offsets the advantages of debt over equity
The current tax code treats business interest as tax-deductible for the business, but requires businesses to pay business income tax on profits before distributing them to shareholders, who then have to pay taxes on the dividends as capital gains. This creates a distorting incentive to finance operations with debt instead of equity (which in economic theory should be identical, so-called "capital structure neutrality"). By privileging the tax treatment of dividends, this bias is somewhat reduced.
The solution is obvious: do not allow businesses to deduct interest from their corporate income taxes, and tax capital gains as ordinary income. Distortion: solved.
Taxing capital gains privileges current consumption over future consumption
This is an extremely curious argument but appears to me to be the core belief of people in favor of privileging capital gains over other kinds of income. Here is how the American Enterprise Institute (who are defending the capital gains preference) makes this argument: "Income taxation inherently imposes higher effective tax rates on those who save for future consumption than on those who consume today, because the returns to savings are taxed."
The only way I have been able to make sense of this statement is that they are suggesting that taxing capital gains as part of an income tax system imposes higher earned income taxes on savers by taxing the same earned income twice: once when it is earned and once when it is withdrawn, with gains, later on in order to finance consumption.
This argument does not make any sense, because savings are not taxed when they are withdrawn: your principal is entirely tax-free, since you already paid income taxes on it. The capital gains tax is, famously, only levied on capital gains, new income that is generated by the investment and the increase in the value of the invested capital.
The capital gains tax preference is the product of a conservative elite fever dream
After reading a number of articles from conservative publications defending the capital gains tax preference (see here, here, and here), it is my belief that the conservative establishment suffers under a particular, extremely curious belief: it is not money that makes a person rich, it is consumption that makes a person rich.
In other words, a person is not rich just because they own Dow Chemicals, an extremely valuable ($55.49 billion market cap) and profitable ($7.35 billion net revenue in 2015) company. The person is only rich to the extent that they convert their income from Dow Chemicals into yachts, mansions, racehorses, etc. Therefore, to the extent that that person chooses NOT to convert their ownership of Dow Chemicals into luxury goods, but instead lives a modest lifestyle, that person is not rich and should not be treated by the tax code as a rich person who should contribute to the administration of the state proportionally to their ownership of the nation's wealth.
This is a false belief, but it's not a provably false belief.
It is my belief that poor people are poor because they don't have enough money, and the fact that they are forced to spend 100% of their income to survive is an argument for taxing them more lightly, rather than more heavily. The belief that consumption, rather than income, should be taxed is an argument for taxing 100% of the income of the poor and a tiny fraction of the income of the rich — defining "rich" in the traditional method of "people who have high incomes and high net worth," rather than in the conservative elite definition of "people who spend a high proportion of their income."
Capital gains are taxed at their nominal values, unadjusted for inflation
This is actually an interesting problem. If you invest in super-safe assets that return exactly the rate of inflation each year, the amount of money you withdraw will be worth exactly the same as the money you invested, but you'll owe taxes on the increase in nominal value.
The problem with saying that this is a problem that needs to be solved is that it suggests that all assets held in interest-free accounts should somehow be treated as capital losses, since the amount withdrawn is worth less than the amount deposited. Doing so would radically increase the complexity of the tax code, while affecting only a tiny number of taxpayers each year. Let's not do that.
Still, I'm vaguely comfortable with the idea of applying a deflating multiplier when determining the total amount of a capital gain. You could say something like, "for assets held 5 years or more, reduce the nominal value of your proceeds by the compounded rate of inflation during the period you held the asset, excluding the year of purchase and year of sale." That would be a little complicated, but the IRS could just include the relevant table in the instructions to Form 1040, Schedule D, and it would be a hell of a lot simpler than the current system.
Privileging capital gains offsets the advantages of debt over equity
The current tax code treats business interest as tax-deductible for the business, but requires businesses to pay business income tax on profits before distributing them to shareholders, who then have to pay taxes on the dividends as capital gains. This creates a distorting incentive to finance operations with debt instead of equity (which in economic theory should be identical, so-called "capital structure neutrality"). By privileging the tax treatment of dividends, this bias is somewhat reduced.
The solution is obvious: do not allow businesses to deduct interest from their corporate income taxes, and tax capital gains as ordinary income. Distortion: solved.
Taxing capital gains privileges current consumption over future consumption
This is an extremely curious argument but appears to me to be the core belief of people in favor of privileging capital gains over other kinds of income. Here is how the American Enterprise Institute (who are defending the capital gains preference) makes this argument: "Income taxation inherently imposes higher effective tax rates on those who save for future consumption than on those who consume today, because the returns to savings are taxed."
The only way I have been able to make sense of this statement is that they are suggesting that taxing capital gains as part of an income tax system imposes higher earned income taxes on savers by taxing the same earned income twice: once when it is earned and once when it is withdrawn, with gains, later on in order to finance consumption.
This argument does not make any sense, because savings are not taxed when they are withdrawn: your principal is entirely tax-free, since you already paid income taxes on it. The capital gains tax is, famously, only levied on capital gains, new income that is generated by the investment and the increase in the value of the invested capital.
The capital gains tax preference is the product of a conservative elite fever dream
After reading a number of articles from conservative publications defending the capital gains tax preference (see here, here, and here), it is my belief that the conservative establishment suffers under a particular, extremely curious belief: it is not money that makes a person rich, it is consumption that makes a person rich.
In other words, a person is not rich just because they own Dow Chemicals, an extremely valuable ($55.49 billion market cap) and profitable ($7.35 billion net revenue in 2015) company. The person is only rich to the extent that they convert their income from Dow Chemicals into yachts, mansions, racehorses, etc. Therefore, to the extent that that person chooses NOT to convert their ownership of Dow Chemicals into luxury goods, but instead lives a modest lifestyle, that person is not rich and should not be treated by the tax code as a rich person who should contribute to the administration of the state proportionally to their ownership of the nation's wealth.
This is a false belief, but it's not a provably false belief.
It is my belief that poor people are poor because they don't have enough money, and the fact that they are forced to spend 100% of their income to survive is an argument for taxing them more lightly, rather than more heavily. The belief that consumption, rather than income, should be taxed is an argument for taxing 100% of the income of the poor and a tiny fraction of the income of the rich — defining "rich" in the traditional method of "people who have high incomes and high net worth," rather than in the conservative elite definition of "people who spend a high proportion of their income."